공(公)담소(discourse)

해석

->>>>http://news.naver.com/main/read.nhn?mode=LSD&mid=sec&sid1=001&oid=003&aid=0002510556

My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you've bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.

I thank President Bush for his service to our nation -- as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we, the people, have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears and true to our founding documents.

So it has been; so it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many -- and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America: They will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation. But in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those that prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops, and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip, and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions, greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week, or last month, or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift. And we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We'll restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.

The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched. But this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity, on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers -- (applause) -- our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man -- a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience sake.

And so, to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born, know that America is a friend of each nation, and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity. And we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.

We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken -- you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.

To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the role that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who at this very hour patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service -- a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.

And yet at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as government can do, and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.

What is demanded, then, is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition on the part of every American that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept, but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall; and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served in a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At the moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words to be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America: In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

The movie critic David Thomson once observed that “doubts can be rendered feeble in the face of the

certainty of the medium.”

The movie critic/ David Thomson /once observed/ that “doubts can be rendered/ feeble /in the face of the certainty of the medium.”/

 영화 비평가/ 데이비드 톰슨은/ 한때 말했다/ (that 이하를) “ 의심은 ~ 만들어질 수 있다./ 약하게/ 미디어의 확실성에 직면하여

once 한때; 일단 ~하자마자

observe 말하다; 관찰하다; 준수하다 observation 관찰 observance 준수 observant 관찰력 있는; 준수하는

render 만들다; 제출하다; 번역하다

feeble 허약한, 미미한     

in the face of ~에 직면하여

certainty 확실성  cf. certain 확실한; 어떤 uncertainty 불확실성

For well over a decade now, I’ve been spending a lot of time online, searching and surfing and sometimes adding to the great databases of the Internet. The Web’s been a godsend to me as a writer. Research that once required days in the stacks or periodical rooms of libraries can now be done in minutes. A few Google searches, some quick clicks on hyperlinks, and I’ve got the telltale fact or the pithy quote I was after. I couldn’t begin to tally the hours or the gallons of gasoline the Net has saved me. I do most of my banking and a lot of my shopping online. I use my browser to pay my bills, schedule my appointments, book flights and hotel rooms, renew my driver’s license, send invitations and greeting cards. Even when I’m not working, I’m as likely as not to be foraging in the Web’s data thickets—reading and writing e-mails, scanning headlines and blog posts, following Facebook updates, watching video streams, downloading music, or just tripping lightly from link to link to link.

저자도 우리들과 다를 바 없이 생활한다는 걸 알 수 있는 단락 

<구문 분석 및 해석>

For well over a decade now,/ I’ve been spending a lot of time/ online, searching and surfing /and sometimes /adding to the great databases of the Internet./

 지금으로부터 십년 이상 동안/ 나는 많은 시간을 보내왔었다/ 온라인에서, 찾고 검색하면서/ 그리고 때때로는 인터넷의 많은 데이터 베이스를 늘리면서

add to ~을 늘리다, 증가시키다

The Web’s been a godsend to me/ as a writer./ Research /that once required days /in the stacks /or periodical rooms of libraries/ can now be done /in minutes.

 웹은 신이 나에게 준 뜻밖의 선물이었다/ 작가로서/ 조사는/ 한때 며칠이 요구된/ 도서관 서가에서/ 또는 도서관의 정기간행물 공간에서/ 지금은 될 수 있다/ 몇 분만에

※Research 주어 that 주격관계대명사 can be done 동사

godsend 뜻밖의[하늘이 준] 선물

the stacks 도서관 서가(서고)  cf. a stack of 많은~, ~의 무더기

periodical 정기 간행물

A few Google searches,/ some quick clicks /on hyperlinks,/ and I’ve got the telltale fact /or the pithy quote/ I was after.

몇 번의 구글 검색이면/ 몇 번의 빠른 클릭/ 하이퍼링크로/ 그리고 나는 숨길 수 없는 사실을 얻는다/ 또는 간결하나 함축적인 인용들을/ 내가 찾는/

telltale 숨길 수 없는

pithy 간결하나 함축적인

be after ~을 추구하다, ~을 찾다

 I couldn’t begin to tally/ the hours or the gallons of gasoline /the Net has saved me./ I do most of my banking/ and a lot of my shopping online.

 나는 계산을 시작할 수 없다/ 시간과 가솔린을/ 인터넷이 나를 절약해준(인터넷이 절약시켜준 시간과 가솔린)/ 나는 나의 은행업무의 대부분을 하고/ 그리고 많은 쇼핑을 온라인에서 한다./

tally 총계를 내다; 부합하다; 기록

save 절약하다; 구하다; ~을 제외하고

do the shopping 쇼핑을 하다

 I use my browser /to pay my bills,/ schedule my appointments, /book flights and hotel rooms/, renew my driver’s license,/ send invitations and greeting cards.

 나는 나의 브라우저를 사용한다/ 나의 청구서을 내기 위해/ 나의 약속 스케줄을 짜기 위해/ 비행기와 호텔 예약을 하기 위해/ 나의 운전 면허를 갱신하기 위해/ 초대장과 인사장을 보내기 위해

bill 청구서; 법안; 지폐

 Even when I’m not working,/ I’m as likely as not to be foraging in the Web’s data thickets/—reading and writing e-mails,/ scanning headlines and blog posts,/ following Facebook updates,/ watching video streams,/ downloading music, /or just tripping lightly /from link to link to link.

 심지어 내가 일하지 않을 때도,/ 나는 아마 인터넷 데이터 티켓(뒤에 무엇인지 설명)을 찾고 있을 것이다/ 이메일을 읽고 쓰고/ 헤드라인과 블로그 포스터를 살펴보고/ 페이스북 업데이트를 따르고(확인하고) / 비디오 스트림을 보고/ 음악을 다운로드 받고/ 가볍게 움직인다/ 링크과 링크를

as likely as not 아마도, 십중팔구

trip 경쾌하게 걷다; 발을 헛디디다; 넘어뜨리다

scan 살피다, 훑어보다

lightly 가볍게

McLuhan quoted a self-serving pronouncement by David Sarnoff, the media mogul who pioneered radio at RCA and television at NBC. In a speech at the University of Notre Dame in 1955, Sarnoff dismissed criticism of the mass media on which he had built his empire and his fortune. He turned the blame for any ill effects away from the technologies and onto the listeners and viewers: “We are too prone to make technological instruments the scapegoats for the sins of those who wield them. The products of modern science are not in themselves good or bad; it is the way they are used that determines their value.” McLuhan scoffed at the idea, chiding Sarnoff for speaking with “the voice of the current somnambulism.” Every new medium, McLuhan understood, changes us. “Our conventional response to all media, namely that it is how they are used that counts, is the numb stance of the technological idiot,” he wrote. The content of a medium is just “the juicy piece of meat carried by the burglar to distract the watchdog of the mind.”

<구문 분석 및 해석>

McLuhan quoted /a self-serving pronouncement /by David Sarnoff,/ the media mogul /who pioneered radio at RCA /and television at NBC.

맥루한은 인용했다/ 자기 잇속만 챙기는 공표를/ 데이비드 살노프에 의한/ 미디어의 거물/ RCA의 라디오를 개척했던/ 그리고 NBC 텔레비전을

quote 인용하다, 전달하다; (예를) 들다

self-serving 자기 잇속만 차리는

pronouncement 공표, 선언    cf. pronounce 표명하다, 선고하다; 발음하다

mogul 거물, 실력자

pioneer 개척자, 선구자; 개척하다

In a speech at the University of Notre Dame in 1955,/ Sarnoff dismissed criticism of the mass media /on which he had built his empire /and his fortune./

 1955년 노트르담 대학 연설에서,/ 살노프는 대중 매체의 비판을 무시했다/(대중매체에 근거해서) 그가 그의 거대 기업을 건설했던/ 그리고 그의 부를/

※the mass media on which he had built his empire and his fortune. -> he had built his empire and his fortune on the mass media.  '전치사 + 관계대명사'를 해석할 때는 전치사 관계대명사를 읽은 다음 한번 머릿속으로 무엇을 의미하는지 생각한 다음 순차적으로 이해한다. 

dismiss 묵살하다; 떨쳐 버리다

empire 제국, 기업 왕국 cf. umpire 심판, 심판을 보다

fortune 부, 운  

make a fortune 부를 이루다, 재산을 모으다

 He turned the blame /for any ill effects /away from the technologies /and onto the listeners and viewers:/ “We are too prone/ to make technological instruments/ the scapegoats /for the sins /of those who wield them.

 그는 비난을 돌렸다/ 부정적인 효과에 대한/ 기술로부터 떨어뜨리고/ 그리고 청중과 시청자에게/ : 우리는 너무 ~하는 경향이 있다/ 기술적 기구를 ~하게 만드는/ 희생양으로 /  죄에 대한/ 그것들을 사용하는 사람들의/(우리는 기계를 사용하는 사람들의 죄에 대해서 기계를 희생양으로 만드는 경향이 많다)

※여기서 too~to 구문을 ‘너무 ~해서 ~할 수 없다’가 아닌 `너무 ~해서 ~하다’로 해석

※make 목적어 목적격 보어

blame 비난, 비난하다 (blame 뒤에 전치사 for을 동반, for가 blame의 대상임)

be to blame for ~에 대해 책임이 있다(직역’~에 대해 비난 받아야 한다’)-수동 아니어도 수동의 의미로 해석, 주어가 책임이 있다는 얘기 (해석 시 비난 대상의 주체 주의)  “he was to blame for their deaths.” 그는 그들의 죽음에 책임이 있다.

be prone to ~하기 쉽다, ~하는 경향이 있다

wield 휘두르다, 행사하다

wield authority 권한을 행사하다

scapegoat 희생양

sin 죄; 죄를 짓다

The products of modern science/ are not in themselves /good or bad; /it is the way /they are used /that determines their value.”

 현대 과학의 생산물은 / 그것 자체에 있지 않다/ 좋고 나쁨이; / 이것은 방식이다/ 그것들이 사용되는 / 그것들의 가치를 결정하는 ( 그들의 가치를 결정하는 것은 그들이 사용되는 방식이다)

※ it is ~that은 it~that 강조구문, they are used와 the way는 동격: the way 주어, determine 동사

McLuhan scoffed at the idea, /chiding Sarnoff for speaking/ with “the voice of the current somnambulism.”/

 맥루한은 그 생각을 비웃었다/ 살노프를 말한 것에 대해 꾸짖었다(비판했다)/ “현재 몽유병의 목소리(몽유병 있는 사람이 내는 헛소리)”라고

scoff at ~을 비웃다

cf. sneer at ~을 비웃다

chide 꾸짖다, 책망하다

※비난, 비판을 의미하는 단어는 비난의 대상을 말할 때 전치사 for을 동반하는 것을 알 수 있다

 blame ~for, chide~ for, rebuke ~for(꾸짖다), reprimand ~for (질책하다)

Every new medium,/ McLuhan understood,/ changes us./ “Our conventional response to all media, /namely that it is/ how they are used that counts,/ is the numb stance /of the technological idiot,”/ he wrote.

 모든 새로운 미디어는,/ 맥루한은 이해했다/ 우리를 변화시킨다/(맥루한은 모든 새로운 미디어는 우리를 변화시킨다고 이해했다.)

“우리의 종래의 모든 미디어에 반응은,/ 다시 말해(즉) 이것은 그것들이 어떻게 사용되는 지가 중요했다/ 멍한 태도이다/ 기술적 바보라는/ 그는 썼다

※every 단수 명사 단수 동사가 와야 한다.

※namely 가 있는 줄은 삽입 구문: 앞에 나온 반응을 보충 설명. it is ~that 강조구문.

conventional 전통적인, 종래의; 관례적인, 재래식의

namely 즉, 다시 말해

count 중요하다; 세다, 셈, 간주하다( count A as B: A를 B로 간주하다)

numb 감각이 없는, 멍한

stance 입장; 태도

The content of a medium /is just “the juicy piece of meat /carried by the burglar /to distract the watchdog/ of the mind.”

 미디어의 컨텐츠는 / 단지 육즙이 많은 고기 종류이다/ 절도범에 의해 지녀지는(절도범이 지니는)/ 파수꾼을 교란시키는/ 우리 정신의

 content 내용(물); 만족하는

carry 나르다, 지니다 cf. carry out 수행하다

juicy 육즙이 많은

a piece of meat 고기 한 점

burglar 절도범

distract 산만하게 하다, 주의를 딴 데로 돌리다

watchdog 감시인, 감시 단체

★이해를 돕기 위해

 -> 새로운 미디어의 출현은 전통적으로 컨텐츠에 집중되어 있었다. 그래서 이것을 어떻게 쓰는지가 중요한 화두였다. 그리고 현재도 마찬가지이다. 그래서 마지막 문장에서 이러한 컨텐츠 집중 현상이 우리가 실제로 직시해야 하는 문제를 가리고 있다고 말하는 것이다. 실제 직시해야 하는 문제는 지금 새롭게 출현하는 미디어가 이전과 다르게 인간의 사고 방식을 바꾼다는 점이다.

The Shallows by Nicholas Carr

우리말 출간 제목은 ‘생각하지 않는 사람들’이다. (개인적으로 제목 번역을 참 잘한 것 같다) 정말 사람들이 생각하지 않다기 보다는 제목에 나타나 있는 것처럼 생각이 얇아 진다는 것이다.

책의 주장에 간단히 정리하면 다음과 같다. 인터넷의 발달로 소위 ‘하이퍼텍스트’라 불리는 기능이 수천년 동안 써온 인간의 아날로그 식 사과방식을 다른 것으로 빠르게 바꾸고 있다. 이로 인해 아날로그 사고의 장점이라 할 수 있는 ‘집중’, ‘깊이’가 ‘산만하고’, ‘얇은’ 디지털 사고로 전환되고 있다. 필자는 이러한 사고 변환의 문제점에 대한 경각심을 일깨워 주고 있다.

스마트폰과 구글 없는 세상을 상상하기 힘든 만큼 필자 또한 디지털의 숙명을 이해하지만, 한편으로는 디지털의 노예가 되지 않기 위해 경각심을 가져야 한다는 의미를 대중에게 전달하고 있다. 책이 출간될 당시보다 훨씬 더 인터넷이 우리 일상에 침투한 시점에서 더욱 경종을 울리는 책이 아닌가 싶어 이 책을 선정하게 되었다.

-스마트폰을 쓴 뒤로 집중력이 약해졌다든가, 책을 집중해서 못 읽는 경험해봤으면 그 이유를 이 책에서 찾을 수 있을 것이다.

Even at the crest of its fame Understanding Media was a book more talked about than read. Today it has become a cultural relic, consigned to media studies courses in universities. But McLuhan, as much a showman as a scholar, was a master at turning phrases, and one of them, sprung from the pages of the book, lives as a popular saying: "The medium is the message.”

What both enthusiast and skeptic miss is what McLuhan saw: that in the long run a medium's content matters less than the medium itself in influencing how we think and act. As our window onto the world, and onto ourselves, a popular medium molds what we see and how we see it—and eventually, if we use it enough, it changes who we are, as individuals and as a society. 'The effects of technology do not occur at the level of opinions or concepts," wrote McLuhan. Rather, they alter "patterns of perception steadily and without any resistance.” The showman exaggerates to make his point, but the point stands. Media work their magic, or their mischief, on the nervous system itself. 

Even at the crest of its fame/ Understanding Media was a book /more talked about /than read. /Today it has become a cultural relic, /consigned to media studies courses /in universities./ But McLuhan,/ as much a showman /as a scholar, /was a master /at turning phrases, /and one of them,/ sprung from the pages of the book,/ lives as a popular saying:/ "The medium is the message.”/

 심지어 이 명성의 절정에서 / 미디어의 이해는 책이었다/ 더 말해지는/ 읽는 것보다/. 오늘날에 이것(미디어의 이해)은 문화적 유물이 되었다/ 미디어 학습 과장으로 처하게 된/ 대학에서./ 그러나 맥루한은/ 훨씬 더 쇼맨(인기 많은 사람)으로 / 학자 만큼이나/ 대가였다/ 경구를 만드는 데에/ 그리고 그중 하나는/ 책의 여러 페이지로부터 나온 된/ 대중적인 격언으로 살아있다/ “미디어는 메시지이다 “

at the crest of ~의 절정에서

relic 유물, 유적

consign A to B : A를 B 처지로 만들다

turn a phrase : 경구를 만들다

saying 속담, 격언 ;proverb, maxim

What both enthusiast and skeptic miss/ is what McLuhan saw:/ that in the long run/ a medium's content matters/ less than the medium itself /in influencing how we think and act./ As our window /onto the world, /and onto ourselves,/ a popular medium molds /what we see/ and how we see it/—and eventually,/ if we use it enough,/ it changes who we are,/ as individuals and as a society./ 'The effects of technology/ do not occur /at the level of opinions or concepts,"/ wrote McLuhan. Rather,/ they alter "patterns of perception /steadily and /without any resistance.”/ The showman exaggerates /to make his point,/ but the point stands./ Media work their magic, /or their mischief,/ on the nervous system itself. /

 열정론자나 회의론자 둘다 놓치고 있는 것은/ 맥루안이 본 것이다/ 결국에는/ 미디어의 컨텐츠가 중요하다/ 미디어 그 자체 보다 덜 / 우리가 어떻게 생각하고 어떻게 행동하는지에 영향을 끼치는데 있어/(미디어의 컨텐츠보다 미디어가 우리가 생각하고 행동하는 방식에 어떻게 영향을 끼칠지가 더 중요하다는 말) 우리의 창으로서/ 세상에 대한/ 그리고 우리 자신에/ 대중 매체는 형성한다/ 우리가 보는 것을 / 그리고 우리가 어떻게 이것을 어떻게 보는지를/ 그리고 결국에/ 우리가 이것을 충분히 사용한다면, 이것은 우리가 누구인지를 변화시킨다/ 개인적으로서 그리고 사회적으로서/ 기술의 효과는/ 발생하지 않는다/ 의견과 개념의 층위에서/ 맥루한이 섰다/ 대신에/ 그것들은 인지의 패턴을 변화시킨다/ 꾸준히 그리고/ 어떠한 저항도 없이/ 그 쇼맨(맥루한)은 과장한다/ 그의 요점을 입증하기 위해서/ 그러나 그 요점은 유효하다/ 미디어는 그들의 마술을 작동시킨다/ 또한 그들의 장난을/ 신경 시스템 그 자체에/

make one’s point :  주장을 입증하다, 관철하다

mischief 장난(나쁜 짓), 해

mold 주조하다; 곰팡이; 거푸집

exaggerate 과장하다

enthusiast 열렬한 지지자

skeptic 회의론자

in the long run 결국에는

perception 인지 ; perceive 인지하다